By Jordi Muñoz
Last September, a massive pro-independence demonstration in
Barcelona, followed by a rather explicit statement by the Catalan
president in support of independence, surprised the world. Two months
later, pro-referendum parties gained almost two-thirds of the seats in
an early election for the regional parliament. These are just the last,
and most visible, signs of a longer process that has deeply shifted
Catalans’ constitutional preferences. In 2006, surveys indicated that,
when given four options (secession, federalism, the current level of
autonomy, or less autonomy), only about thirteen percent of respondents
chose secession. However, in January 2013 the same survey showed
forty-four percent support for independence, a figure that grows to
fifty-seven percent given a yes/no choice. What has changed, then, in
recent years in Catalonia? Why has a traditionally moderate and
compromise-seeking movement turned so clearly toward a pro-independence
stance?
One prevalent narrative links these growing pro-independence claims
to the current economic crisis. Catalonia is a relatively affluent
region within Spain and transfers a certain proportion of its tax
revenue to poorer regions in southern Spain, estimated by economists
commissioned by the Catalan government at about eight percent of the
gross domestic product. In the current context of crisis and harsh
austerity measures, the argument goes, many Catalan citizens and leaders
now regard the transfers as burdensome and harmful to their welfare.
Along these lines, it is often even suggested that the bid for
independence is part of a more complex strategy whose goal is not
secession but a mere renegotiation of the current inter-regional fiscal
transfer scheme.
This is an appealing explanation—parsimonious, and based on an idea
that can be easily understood without much reference to the specifics of
the case. But is it accurate? While it certainly explains part of the
story, economics alone do not explain the current intensity of
pro-independence demands in Catalonia. A key proof is the time sequence:
polls show that support for independence began to increase rapidly in
Catalonia a few years before the onset of crisis, and the growth rate
has accelerated since then. Unless this is a case of retro-causality, we
must consider alternative causes.
Indeed, the purely economic explanation ignores some key political
events that can hardly be regarded as inconsequential. The most relevant
of these is the process of reforming the Statute of Autonomy of
Catalonia (2003–2010). In 2003, the newly elected left-wing government
coalition announced it would promote a new statute of autonomy aimed at
obtaining more powers within Spain. An agreement with the main
center-right party in the Catalan Parliament (CiU) led in 2005 to the
approval of an ambitious proposal that redefined the status of Catalonia
within Spain, expanding political and fiscal powers and clearly
recognizing the status of Catalonia as a “nation” within Spain. This
proposal was brought to the Spanish parliament to be negotiated, as
required by the Constitution. As a result of this negotiation, a much
less ambitious text was put to vote in a referendum in 2006, gathering
the support of 73.9 percent of the voters, although with a low turnout
(49.4 percent).
After the vote, the Spanish Popular Party, which had opposed the
reform, appealed the newly approved statute to the Spanish
Constitutional Court. The court issued a ruling in 2010 abolishing
several key passages of the statute, including the highly symbolic
definition of Catalonia as a “nation.” The ruling advanced a fairly
specific interpretation of the 1978 Spanish Constitution, setting clear
limits on the decentralization process. This ruling has arguably had a
deep impact, as it made promises for greater autonomy within Spain less
credible in the eyes of Catalans, fostering support for the “exit”
option.
Beyond the debate on its causes, the current situation is challenging
both for Catalan and Spanish leaders and must be addressed. It might be
reasonable, at this point, to hold a referendum on the issue, without
assuming any outcome as given. An ample majority of citizens (about
seventy-five percent) and parties in Catalonia support the idea of
holding a referendum as the best solution to the current
stalemate—majorities that well exceed the number who would support
independence at the polls. This discrepancy shows how in Catalonia, the
procedural question (a referendum) is now distinguished from the
substantive goals of the different groups (secession, federalism, or
status quo). So far, however, the Spanish government has refused to
negotiate a solution similar to those for Scotland or Quebec, so the
stalemate continues.
http://intocabledigital.cat/increasing-independence-claims-in-catalonia-not-only-the-economy/46851/
dissabte, 27 d’abril del 2013
Increasing Independence Claims in Catalonia: Not Only the Economy
Subscriure's a:
Comentaris del missatge
(
Atom
)
Cap comentari :
Publica un comentari a l'entrada